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Horace assumes here, as in the rest of the Roman Odes, the distant and authoritative role of poet-prophet vates , who chastises the citizens of Rome, reminds them of their moral responsibilities and celebrates the noblest Roman virtues. The present Ode is shaped in a quasi- argumentative form: The Romans will continue to suffer for the crimes of their ancestors, unless they restore the crumbling temples and statues of the gods and cease neglecting the gods themselves; the cause of civil wars and foreign threats to Roman dominion and Rome itself has been neglect of religious obligations as well as female sexual license that has destroyed family values; Rome defeated Pyrrhus, the Carthaginians, and Antiochus BC , and hence rose to a world power, thanks to stalwart rustics that lived an austere life; but later each generation has shown a decline from its predecessor, and the next will be even worse than ours.
The discourse of moral decline and its dire consequences is widespread in late Republican and early Augustan literature but the unmitigated pessimism in the conclusion of a literary piece composed after the Battle of Actium 31 BC is unparalleled.
Unparalleled is also the prominence, and indeed the very mention, of neglect of temples and gods as the cause for the internal and external ills Italy has suffered. Unparalleled is finally the address Romane. It occurs in oracular pronouncements and indeed in Aeneid 6. This may explain the absence of any reference to Octavian and why the poet retained the overtly pessimistic conclusion when he included Odes 3. Odes 3. Latin panegyrical oratory in a century of religious change Roger Rees University of St Andrews In Late Antiquity, epideictic oratory found conditions in which it could thrive as never before; in fact, most surviving Latin prose panegyric dates from the late third to the early sixth centuries CE, with a particular concentration in the fourth century.
This period also saw intense religious change, most notably from the persecution of Christians under Diocletian to the toleration, adoption and imperial patronage of that faith in various stages. It has long been recognised that the surviving panegyrics constitute unusually rich material for consideration of rhetorical response to and articulation of contemporary religion; and various studies plot a general trajectory across the speeches towards a vaguely expressed monotheism which might accommodate a pagan or Christian understanding , but 4 not necessarily to the exclusion of traditional pagan material, such as the Imperial Cult e.
Burdeau , Beranger , Liebeschuetz , Saylor Rodgers We know since Turcan-Verkerk that the author of the latest speech in the XII Panegyrici Latini collection, dated to and addressed to the Christian emperor Theodosius, was himself a Christian. The speech contains much unarguably pagan ideology. Cameron concluded from this that generic tradition rather than religious identity was the main determinant of religious material in panegyric.
Against this background, I revisit the religious fabric of the speech of , and tentatively identify some sympathetic Christian notices; I also trace some examples of redeployment of religious terminology to consider the role and effect on the creation of generic tradition of the curating of collections of literary panegyric in the fourth century.
It is a commonplace that classical rhetoric was a secular discourse, allowing for critical scrutiny of all arguments, and in the case of the sophists, for a deconstruction of philosophical truth claims. It is also a commonplace that Christian rhetoric replaced this rhetoric of controversia with a rhetoric ruled by dogmatics.
The fall of Rome in led to a final contestation between defenders of classical religious polis- culture and the Christians, the former arguing that the attack on Rome was due to the neglect of classical rites. Augustine rejected this in the first part of De civitate Dei one of the most important sources for Roman religion , leading to his grandiose apology for Christianity in the second part. In this paper, I present some religious aspects of classical rhetorical discourse, as revealed inadvertently by Augustine.
The techniques of rhetoric as an art of communication seem universal as argued by Augustine in De doctrina christiana but the narratives legitimating them change. Some narratives are used by classical rhetoricians and Christians alike, such as the narrative of decline.
Whilst the number of oracles cited in the surviving speeches of the orators is relatively low, nonetheless the six speeches in which litigants do quote an oracular pronouncement, as well as evidence from other sources e. Peace demonstrate that the use of oracles in public discourse could be a good starting point for the study of the role of religion in the public sphere of fourth-century Athens. This paper goes beyond discussion of the quoted oracles in oratory themselves, asking instead the crucial question of where these oracles come from.
The origin of oracles is a significant issue because it helps clarify the process by which orators come to make the decision to 5 quote specific oracles in their orations: it elucidates both the nature of these religious pronouncements further, as well as the authority which they are assigned in the rhetorical contexts of the Athenian law courts. Scholarship dealing with the complex issues of literacy, orality, writing and record-keeping in ancient Greece has given comparatively little consideration to the recording and archiving of oracles as a genre of texts.
This paper will therefore scrutinize evidence for such recording and archival practices, in order to demonstrate the crucial role of writing in the application of oracles in the rhetorical setting of the Athenian law courts.
Pollution as a rhetorical topos in ancient texts and cultures James W. Watts Syracuse University Aristotle famously focused his consideration of rhetoric on three settings for public speeches: the political assembly, the legal trial, and the funeral. He omitted a public arena that was no less prominent in Athens than in other ancient Mediterranean and Middle Eastern cultures, namely, the temple. Temples continued to operate, even expand, in the Hellenistic and Roman periods, despite Greek intellectual discomfort with some religious ideas and practices, as reflected in drama and philosophy.
Including the religious sphere within descriptions of ancient rhetoric introduces a range of religious concepts employed for persuasion. Prominent among them in all ancient and many contemporary cultures is the idea of purity and its opposite, pollution. Ma dates to preserve purity extended to a wider variety of settings such as homes and were more demanding for some classes of people such as priests.
This paper explores the implications for rhetoric and religious studies of treating purity and pollution as a topos in the Aristotelian sense. The rhapsode, performing at a festival or celebration, becomes caught up in the power of his recitation. First and foremost, we see here a radical imagining of how the power of ritualized speech, emanating from the gods, can affect an audience and effect a shared response.
Yet, alongside this, we find anxiety: this extended chain of unthinking and manipulated people is not unproblematic. Elsewhere too Plato expresses anxiety about the psychological, ethical and civic effect of religious performance on an audience. Strikingly, though, far from rejecting wholesale the use of religious discourse in the construction of authority and engagement of an audience, Plato often appeals to religious models such as oaths, inspiration, divination and initiation as persuasive and dialectical tools.
Turning to the orators, I will examine how the same authors both critique others for using religious performative speech and, in other contexts, help themselves to this very same discourse. Deploying test cases, I will ask whether, in doing so, these orators play on an ambivalence in their audience about the dangers and powers of performative religious discourse.
The juxtaposition between Plato and the orators — authors writing in different genres and for very different audiences, but in a broadly similar time and place and with the goal of persuasion always in mind — will give us an insight into the way that religious rhetoric was thought about, used and abused in different contexts in fourth-century Athens.
The next great research challenges for him are two: first, to finish his second monograph, Religious Discourse in Attic Oratory and Politics contracted with Routledge; e pe ted i. She obtained her first degree from the Department of Greek Philology of the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Athens He is now working on a book about law and the sacred in Ancient Greece.
Her research interests include Roman elegy and epic in particular Ovid , Roman epigrams Martial as well as Greco-Roman culture and religion, as indicated by her publications such as Heroides 10 and Ars Amatoria 1.
Pechlivanos eds. She received her Ph. In addition to the history of the ancient and early medieval world, she teaches undergraduate and graduate classes on Rome and its empire. He received his B. He has taught at Allegheny since He was a co-editor of Philodemus and the New Testament World Leiden: Brill, and two collections of essays devoted to teaching biblical studies in a liberal arts context published by Sheffield Phoenix in a d 5. More recently his attention has turned to performance as a dominant factor in ancient rhetoric.
She is currently working on a monograph on the interrelation of law and religion in the Greek city state. She has also edited and partly written a textbook on rhetorical criticism: Retorikkens Aktualitet, 3. Edition, co-editor M. She teaches the history of rhetoric, visual rhetoric, rhetorical criticism and theory.
He is a biblical scholar whose research focuses on the interplay of ritual and rhetoric in the Torah and the rest of the Hebrew Bible. He also is a co-founder of SCRIPT, the Society for Comparative Research in Iconic and Performative Texts, which fosters interdisciplinary collaboration among scholars in investigating the social functions of material texts.
He combines the two research interests in his comparative studies of the ritualizing of scriptures. On the other hand, in this comic Dick says Tim's "almost fifteen" Popcorn in Secret Origins Page Giant Later in the same comic, they're going to watch some trashy TV together, so naturally, that means it's time for popcorn! Pizza in Birds of Prey 19 Okay, this may actually be my favorite. It's shortly after the end of No Man's Land, and everyone in Gotham is rebuilding. Babs is rewiring her whole computer system to make it more powerful, so Tim has come over to help out.
Then Dick shows up at the front door Babs: "It's Dick! You knew I was here, Dick? In other news, Dick and Clancy have recently broken up, and Dick and Babs aren't technically dating yet, though you'd be forgiven for assuming they are. They're certainly getting very close. Meanwhile, Alfred is at Brentwood, Tim's strict all-boys' boarding school Alfred had a fight with Bruce and decamped for a while , but - awkward!
Pizza in Gotham Knights 33 Years ago, Bane broke Bruce's back, but now he's reemerged and Bruce is determined to rehabilitate him - though Dick and Tim are skeptical. As you can see, they've gotten pizza again. Tim thinks Bruce's guilt over Vesper's death is making him reckless. Tim is ecstatic. That's right - Cass is here now! But Cass still doesn't know Dick and Tim that well, so this is a rare cute moment with the three of them.
This issue as a whole has some nice Dick and Tim moments, like when they spend thirty-three hours on stake-out and make a bet about what will happen. They're watching the Spook, who's recently out on parole: Tim thinks the Spook's reformation might be genuine, while Dick's sure it's a fake-out. This isn't the first bet Dick and Tim have made!
Back in Prodigal, Tim bet that Azrael was genuinely reformed, and Dick bet that he wasn't. Tim won that bet, but this time, Dick wins - though the Spook has given up violent crime, he's still stealing money. Bonus: Dick eating with friends and sorta girlfriend in Titans Secret Files 2!
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Petraki giallourou str nicosia betting | Pollution as a rhetorical topos in ancient texts and cultures James W. She is particularly interested in religion, gender, and the importance of the classical past for Byzantine culture. Though things are a little awkward as everybody gets to know each other, they quickly all have fun hanging out - though Dick does get annoyed with Roy, who makes a point of telling his sorta girlfriend all kinds of embarrassing stories! It is a commonplace that classical rhetoric petraki giallourou str nicosia betting a secular discourse, allowing for critical scrutiny of all arguments, and in the case of the sophists, for a deconstruction of philosophical truth claims. He is a biblical scholar whose research focuses on the interplay of ritual and rhetoric in the Torah and the rest of the Hebrew Bible. |
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Petraki giallourou str nicosia betting | Unparalleled is also the prominence, and indeed the very mention, of neglect of temples and gods as the cause for the internal and external ills Italy has suffered. The discussion will focus on selected letters and specific magical practices, such as incantations carmina and wax statues simulacra. The letter-writers rite poeti a d agi al carmina, which are meant to be read and to be heard by their readers and their audience. Petraki giallourou str nicosia betting paper will continue reading scrutinize evidence for such recording and archival practices, in order to demonstrate the crucial role of writing in the application of oracles in the rhetorical setting of the Athenian law courts. The techniques of rhetoric as an art of communication seem universal as argued by Augustine in De doctrina christiana but the narratives legitimating them change. This period also saw intense religious change, most notably from the persecution of Christians under Diocletian to the toleration, adoption and imperial patronage of that faith in various stages. This paper ill e plore the ra ifi atio s of the oral deli er of this treatise in Trier between and |
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Semeli Hotel, 10 Petraki Giallourou Str, Nicosia, , Cyprus. From Semeli Hotel to the conference venue. Flying to Cyprus To get to Nicosia you can take a bus (Kapnos Airport Shuttle), which will drop you off at the center of the town where you can take a taxi to your hotel. The bus fare will cost 7 euros and you may need an additional 7. Petraki Giallourou 16, Nicosia, Cyprus, , Nicosia (Area) View map. Good to know. Check-in from FREE Check-out from FREE. Children & extra beds There are no cribs provided in a room. Pets Pets are not allowed. + More - . Demetra Restaurant, Nicosia: Restaurant menu and price, read 1 reviews rated 80/ 0 people suggested Demetra Restaurant (updated August ).